Sublime

Johnson’s voting record—a record twenty years long, dating back to his arrival in the House of Representatives in 1937 and continuing up to that very day—was consistent with the accent and the word. During those twenty years, he had never supported civil rights legislation—any civil rights legislation.

In early 1904, when Henry Morrison Flagler made his fateful decision to begin the building of the Overseas Railroad, he was already seventy-four, and, in the eyes of most, was nearing the end of a second successful career. Certainly the drive to make money had little to do with his decisions in those days, even if money, or the lack of it, had been

If Perkins, the Progressive turned New Dealer, spent her life addressing problems left behind by Greeley’s Civil War generation—corporate power, exploited labor, political corruption, poverty—Rustin spent his battling injustices that the New Deal generation didn’t address: racism, segregation, and the threat of militarism to world peace. No one in

Don Burr did not realize that he was whistling “Dixie.” The majors were not, as a matter of fact, using their transcontinental routes to subsidize their short-haul

With the dawn of the new century, however, came a wave of “progressive” sentiment that called for a far tougher regulation of railroads, in the public interest.

the end. The next day, two nationalists in New York, Oscar Collazo and Griselio Torresola, made their way down to Washington, D.C. They were seeking Harry Truman, who was living not at the White House (it was being renovated), but at the nearby Blair House. They wore suits, and they carried guns. Their idea was simple: shoot their way into Blair Ho